(Thanx Tim!)

@'BBC'

(Thanx Robin who also says: "It takes PC to an extreme even for the BBC. I think it is a wonder to read and amazing how you can get around using the word “Evolve” or anything close to it.")

(Thanx Rosa!)

AAAAAAGH!

(7:56AM I just knew that this image that CTel posted the other day @'Acid Ted' would come in very handy sometime...I also knew when I originally posted this that I was not going to be feeling at all well when I woke up today!)

In 1979 Iranians introduced a new form of social revolution. In place of the guerrilla-style armed struggle that had characterized the twentieth-century revolutions in non-western countries, the Iranians modeled a spontaneous nonviolent mass movement. And much to the experts' surprise, in less than 2 years this movement overthrew a dictatorial monarchy that had the backing of both Western powers and the strongest army in the Middle East. The principles of freedom and independence that sustained this revolution were soon violated by Khomeini, who instituted an even more repressive and brutal regime than that which had been dismantled. But the methods of the early victory set a new precedent, shaping the imagination of what was possible in the Eastern European revolutions of the 1980s.

Now, after thirty years, this revolution has boomeranged back to the streets and rooftops of Iran. A new generation is determined to finish the job that their parents began but could not bring to fruition: the establishment of freedom and democracy in an independent Iran.

The violent confrontations at yesterday's Ashura demonstrations, which resulted from widespread resistance to the brutality of the regime's various security forces, have shifted the balance of the struggle towards the people. The question is no longer whether this corrupt regime will be overthrown, but rather when it will go, and how. It is clear that this struggle, which began as a simple protest against the rigged presidential election, can no longer be defined as a movement for either state reform or civil rights. Yesterday's demonstrations, occurring throughout the country and from Tehran to the smallest towns, cannot be defined by any term other than revolution.

Dictatorships always maintain a fragile balance between fear and anger, which they either inflict on or produce for the people they rule. As long as the fear of the regime's power outweighs anger at its effects, its position is relatively secure. But if this balance tips with changes in conditions either at home or abroad, and if feelings of anger begin to supersede those of fear, then given opportunity and circumstances it is safe to assume that a regime's days are numbered. Yesterday, in defiant resistance against thousands of security forces and carrying with them in demonstrations the experiences of more than a century of struggle for democracy, Iranians demonstrated to themselves and to the world that this is truer than ever of the Iranian regime. The balance has tipped from fear to anger, and there is a new determination to make Iran free and independent.

The consequences of this revolution cannot be underestimated. Many argue that it was 1979 Iranian revolution which transformed Islamic fundamentalism into a global phenomenon. If this is correct, then it is possible that the present revolution might to do the 'unthinkable' and overthrow a corrupt, fundamentalist regime. Such a non-violent revolution could secularise the state, separating it from religion, and revolutionise religion itself by redefining Islam as a discourse of freedom and a method not for obtaining and managing power, but for expanding freedom. The principles of such an Islam are already being produced, not least of all in the latest works of Grand Ayatollah Montazeri, who during the course of his life became an advocate of human rights. His unprecedented burial gathering, despite being disrupted by the regime's great attempts to minimise it, suggest that the Iranian public recognises and perhaps even favours this discourse. An authentic Islamic renaissance is already sweeping through many Iranian cities, and its effect on other Islamic countries will be felt in the coming years and months.

@'HuffPo'

"Before I leave, let me also briefly address the events that have taken place over the last few days in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States joins with the international community in strongly condemning the violent and unjust suppression of innocent Iranian citizens, which has apparently resulted in detentions, injuries, and even death.

For months, the Iranian people have sought nothing more than to exercise their universal rights. Each time they have done so, they have been met with the iron fist of brutality, even on solemn occasions and holy days. And each time that has happened, the world has watched with deep admiration for the courage and the conviction of the Iranian people who are part of Iran’s great and enduring civilization.

What’s taking place within Iran is not about the United States or any other country. It’s about the Iranian people and their aspirations for justice and a better life for themselves. And the decision of Iran’s leaders to govern through fear and tyranny will not succeed in making those aspirations go away.

As I said in Oslo, it’s telling when governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. Along with all free nations, the United States stands with those who seek their universal rights. We call upon the Iranian government to abide by the international obligations that it has to respect the rights of its own people.

We call for the immediate release of all who have been unjustly detained within Iran. We will continue to bear witness to the extraordinary events that are taking place there. And I’m confident that history will be on the side of those who seek justice.

Thank you very much, everybody. And Happy New Year."

PHOTOGRAPHS

Ebrahim Yazdi (former Foreign Minister)
Emad-e’Din Baghi (Human Rights Activist)
Morteza Hadji (Minister of educaion during Khatami era)
Leila Tavassoli, daughter of Mohammad Tavassoli
Seyed Hosein Mousavi Tabrizi (Head of the clerical Association of Teachers and Researchers of Qom)
Alireza Beheshti Shirazi (Editor in Chief of Mousavi’s online journal Kalameh Sabz)
Ghorban Behzadian Nejad (Mousavi consultant)
Mohamad Bagherian (Mousavi consultant)
Rasouli (deputy of President Khatami’s Baran Foundation)
Forouzandeh (Manager of Mousavi’s office)
Mohammad Sadegh Rabbani (retired university professor who used to be the general prosecutor 20 years ago, arrested yesterday 27 December)
Mohammad Moin (son of former Presidential candidate Mostafa Moin, the former Minister of Science and higher education, arrested 27 December)
Heshmatollah Tabarzadi (Student Activist)
Haleh Sahabi (Women’s Rights activist)

In one of the most turbulent days in the Islamic Republic’s thirty-year history, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s illegitimacy as president was hardly mentioned. For if Ashura comes to symbolize one thing in another thirty years from now, it may very well mark the day that open contempt for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei spread like wildfire across the country’s cities and provinces.
This shift is significant because while Iran rose up in June to contest a rigged presidential election, the presidency itself was always window-dressing for a despotic regime ruled by Khamenei. Whereas six months ago, Iran’s Supreme Leader could have forced Ahmadinejad out as a sacrificial lamb and thereby given the Islamic Republic a plausible chance of surviving its current political crisis, recent events (which undoubtedly had Khamenei’s either explicit or complicit support) have taken the 2009 Iranian uprising to a point of no return. The oxymoronic experiment of a ‘theocratic-democracy’ appears to be on the verge of failure.
Which is what makes the Green movement's adoption of Islamic themes in its confrontation with the regime so ironic. Last week’s death of Grand Ayatollah Ali Montazeri more than gave the opposition a rallying cry and fallen leader to immortalize. It also opened the eyes of many – particularly the older, conservative clerical class removed and censored from the epicenter of events in Tehran – to the vastness and legitimacy of this social movement. Since June’s unprecedented uprising, security in the city of Qom (where the majority of clerics reside) has been amongst the strictest in the entire country. This is likely because the regime has not forgotten that it was Iran’s religious heartland that came together to usher it into power a revolution ago. And so when hundreds of thousands of mourners became protesters in Qom last week, boldly chanting in unison that “Khamenei is a murderer,” there was a discernable shift in Iran’s political climate.
As if that were not enough, at least 15 protesters – including the nephew of Mir-Hossein Mousavi – were murdered yesterday during one of the most holy days of the Shia faith, which also coincided with the seventh (and religiously significant) day after Montazeri’s passing. Simply put, the brutal attacks of Ashura were an affront on the Islamic faith committed by a supposedly Islamic government. As Mehdi Karoubi put it, “Even the Shah respected Ashura.”
So when word of yesterday’s bloodshed reaches the country’s religious centers – and it surely will in the midst of the chaos that has erupted during the last forty-eight hours – outrage can be expected in Qom. This may soon put Iran’s clerics, both conservative and moderate, in an unenviable position: sacrificing their coveted theocracy in order to salvage their religion’s sanctity. For if it was unclear up until this point, there is surely no way that any clerical scholar of Islam can any longer defend the actions of the Islamic Republic – especially when such actions are committed in Islam’s name, for that matter.
But even assuming that the pillars of the Islamic Republic have been irreparably shaken and that the regime is in its last throes, the question remains how the Green movement will culminate in the weeks and months ahead. Just as Ahmadinejad’s name has been substituted with Khamenei’s in opposition chants, demands that the “coup regime resign” have similarly diminished, along with protesters’ passivity. With more and more people openly labeling Khamenei a “murderer,” it is difficult to see how any mere political solution – even one that includes Khamenei stepping down – will be palatable for the Iranian population. Protesters are no longer marching for their votes to be counted; they are marching the crimson-stained streets of Tehran in pursuit of justice and freedom.
Which begs the question: if conservatives within the regime that are not aligned with Ahmadinejad but are supportive of Khamenei (such as Ali Larijani) come to accept that the ship is sinking, do they retain any clout in affecting the future direction of the country? Given that the nephew of Iran’s former Prime Minister (under Khomeini, no less) was shot dead in streets of Tehran yesterday, it appears that the window for political compromise is closing, if not already closed. This is by no means to argue that there will be a conservative “purge” of the Iranian Majlis parliament once the dust settles, however. Rather, it points to the reality that the landscape has unalterably changed during the course of the last month. Whatever bargaining position Iran’s conservatives may have had in what form a new Iranian government takes has surely and severely been marginalized through their complicity (if not acquiesce) of the regime’s brutal actions.
This also has immediate consequences for Iran’s most mercurial cleric and politician, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Throughout the post-election crisis, and as recently as two weeks ago, Rafsanjani has been using his position as the head of both the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts (which can constitutionally oust Khamenei) to push for a “national unity plan” that would attempt to bridge Iran’s fractured political landscape. While it appears that the rumored plan (which would have kept Khamenei in power in some capacity) never received serious consideration from regime-insiders, it is now apparent that any such attempts at reconciliation will be neither accepted by the majority of Iran’s population nor entertained by an increasingly megalomaniacal inner-circle.
Moreover, this also puts Rafsanjani in the spotlight. While Mousavi, Karoubi, and former reformist President Mohammad Khatami have all come out squarely in the Green camp, Rafsanjnai, Iran’s political “shark,” has essentially strayed on both sides of the conflict. While he has gradually inched closer to the Greens, stating on the eve of 16 Azar that the clerics should govern the country for only so long as “the people of Iran want [them to],” the events of Ashura may finally draw the line in the sand that forces the senior cleric to decide where he will unequivocally stand: with the regime or with the people. If yesterday’s fatalities prove to be as damaging to the regime’s legitimacy as many are speculating, his decision should be easier now more than any other time since June’s election.
If Rafsanjani decides to take the unprecedented step of coming out against Khamenei, which is not as outlandish of a possibility as it once was prior to Karoubi’s blatant condemnation of the regime last night, it would undoubtedly be a game-changer. Simply put, it would openly signal political abandonment of the regime by the country’s second most powerful figure. If Rafsanjani remains quiet, however, questions will surely begin to be raised as to where his true allegiances lie. Consequently, as the demands of a galvanized and broadening opposition grow, he will arguably be less and less able to hedge his bets.
Rafsanjani’s public stance one way or another should not be read as the Green movement’s need for leadership, however. This was similarly misinterpreted when questions arose as to Mousavi and Karoubi’s attendance in previous demonstrations. In fact, what makes the Green movement unique from many others is that its grassroots nature allows it to thrive and grow without the need of a single individual leading the way. Current chatter of an imminent national strike being planned – an enormous development if it proves to be true – is just one example of how such a structure allows the opposition movement to organize through a decentralized communication network rather than a rigid hierarchy.
And so as Tehran faces yet another day of clashes with yesterday’s ashes still smoldering, uncertainty is in the air. Martial law was reportedly declared in Najafabad yesterday. Will the beleaguered security apparatus start to see desertions within its ranks? Will talk of an impending military mutiny against the regime come to fruition? While there are plenty of rumors floating around since yesterday’s tumultuous events, one thing that is certain is that there is no turning back. 'Th

EA sources confirm that Emad Baghi, the founder of the Association for Defense of Prisoners Rights, has been arrested. A reliable source writes that Heshmatollah Tabarzadi, leader of the banned Democratic Front of Iranian People, has been taken from his home.

The site Rah-e-Sabz is under sustained cyber-attack and, of course, Kalemeh has been hindered by the arrest of its editor (see 1040 GMT). It is also reported that Etemaad newspaper has been closed.

1040 GMT: The Regime Strikes Back. A pattern is emerging of the Iranian Government trying to regain the initiative through arrests last night and this morning. Alireza Beheshti Shirazi, the editor of Mir Hossein Mousavi’s Kalemeh, has been detained.

@'Enduring America'

More

HERE

PHOTOGRAPHS

VIDEOS 

(A Playlist of the most recent videos getting to us)

Thanx Joly

Seyed Ali Moussavi Habibi, nephew of Mir Hossein Moussavi, was warned and threaten by phone calls to be assassinated for the past few days. His family were aware of all the treats and were worried about him. Today, Ashura day, Seyed Ali Moussavi Habibi was witnessing a 4WD Neissan Patrol car running over a few people in front of his house before being shot and killed with the same people in the car. After running over a few people  5 people get off the car and one of them comes very close to Seyed ali Moussavi and shoots him with a gun in  a way that the bullet passes through his chest and comes out from his back.  Then all 5 get on the car and run away. His brother in law takes Seyed Ali Moussavi to the Hospital but before they reach there he becomes a martyr. The government guards has gone to the hospital and said that they are going to take his body to the Kahrizak death  investigation center. They have threatened and warned the family that they are not allowed to hold a funeral for him. ( there is the possibility that they would bury him over night so the family would not be able to have the funeral anymore.) Seyed Ali Moussavi, 43, has two children. His daughter is 17 and his son is 7. His Martyre brother Ebrahim Moussavi was killed in the war a couple of years ago. Myrtyre Moussavi family believe that this is a well-planned murder to put pressure on Mir Hossein Moussavi and his family and relatives. Since the coup government has stolen the body of the Ashura martyrs to avoid any funeral for them, Iranian public are going to hold the ceremony in the streets of Iran wherever possible. Mainly making the ashura ceremony about these martyrs.

Photo shows Seyed Ali Moussavi and his uncle, Mir Hossein Moussavi, The Friday before the Ghods day this year in Iran.
Mohsen Makhmalbaf Sunday   Ashuraye 1388 (27 December 2009) 

نحوه به شهادت رسیدن سید علی موسوی حبیبی

سید علی موسوی حبیبی از چندین روز قبل تلفنی بارها تهدید به قتل شده است. خانواده او از این\ تهدیدها با خبر بوده اند و برایش ابراز نگرانی می کرده اند.
امروز "عاشورا" یک پاترول جلوی در خانه آن ها ابتدا چندین نفر را جلوی چشم سید علی موسوی زیر می گیرد، بعد از درون پاترول 5 نفر از نیروهای امنتی پیاده می شوند و یکی از آن ها از نزدیک ترین فاصله با کلت به سینه سید علی موسوی شلیک می کند طوری که گلوله از پشت او خارج می شود. بعد آن 5 نفر با پاترول سراسیمه می گریزند.
برادر زن سید علی او را به بیمارستان می رساند اما قبل از آن که سید علی موسوی به بیمارستان برسد به شهادت نائل می شود.
امشب نیروهای امنتی به بیمارستان رفته اند و گفته اند جسد سید علی موسوی را با خود به پزشکی قانونی کهریزک می بریم.
و خانواده شهید را تهدید کرده اند که حق برگزاری مراسم را ندارند. (احتمال آن وجود دارد که شبانه پیکر او را مخفیانه به خاک بسپارند تا مانع از مراسم تدفین او شوند.)
سید علی موسوی 43 سال داشته است و پدر 2 فرزند است. او صاحب یک دختر 17 ساله و یک پسر 7 ساله است. ابراهیم موسوی برادر او پیش از این در جنگ شهید شده است.
خانواده شهید موسوی معتقدند این یک ترور از قبل طراحی شده است برای فشار آوردن به مهندس میرحسین موسوی و فامیل او.
از آنجا که حکومت پیکر شهدای عاشورا را برای جلوگیری از مراسم تدفین ربوده است، مردم ایران در هر کجا مراسم بزرگداشت شهدای ربوده شده عاشورای امسال را در خیابان ها برگزار خواهند کرد. در همان محورهای عاشورا.
عکس حاضر مربوط است به سید علی موسوی و دایی اش (مهندس میرحسین موسوی) که روز جمعه یک هفته قبل از روز قدس امسال گرفته شده است.
محسن مخملباف
یکشنبه عاشورای 88

@'Makhmalbaf'

 

Glad that there are some other people out there who have no desire to see the new smurf movie Avatar!

No one has told him that he is about to die. But unless last-minute pleas for his life prove successful, a Kentish Town taxi driver who suffers from mental illness will be shot dead by the Chinese authorities within 24 hours.

Akmal Shaikh, a 53-year-old father of five who has been accused of smuggling four kilos of heroin into China's western Xinjiang province in 2007, could become the first Briton to be executed in China in modern times, and the first EU national to face the death penalty there in 50 years. But he has not been informed that his execution by a bullet to the neck has been scheduled for 10.30 tomorrow morning. The Chinese government says the information is being withheld on "humanitarian grounds".

Mr Shaikh's friends and family say he suffers from bipolar disorder and was too ill to stand trial. His cousins Soohail and Nasir Shaikh have travelled to China to try and deliver pleas for mercy to President Hu Jintao. But so far those pleas have fallen on deaf ears.

In his petition, his cousin Mr Soohail says: "We plead for his life, asking that a full mental health evaluation be conducted to assess the impact of his mental illness, and that recognition be made that he is not as culpable as those who might, under Chinese law, be eligible for the death penalty."

Clive Stafford Smith, the director of the human rights charity Reprieve, has petitioned for his pardon, amid fears that Beijing is aggrieved by the international reaction to its stance at the Copenhagen climate talks – in particular that of Britain, which blamed China for the failure of the talks when Ed Miliband said it had "hijacked" discussions.

"I like to think the Chinese will show compassion but I don't know," Mr Stafford Smith said yesterday. "I think on one level China is aggravated by what happened at Copenhagen, but I hope it won't hold that against him."

China executes more people than all other countries put together but rarely executes Westerners. The Foreign Office says it has pressed hard for his release. Over the last six months, the UK has forcibly raised the case with senior Chinese officials 10 times to no effect. Prime Minister Gordon Brown and the actor Stephen Fry are among many who have tried to intercede.

One of the key pieces of evidence in favour of the argument that Mr Shaikh is a sadly deluded figure, is a pop song he recorded called "Come Little Rabbit". Reprieve released the song in the hope that it would help convince the Chinese judiciary of his fragile mental state and halt his execution. Before he left for China, Mr Shaikh recorded the song, which he was convinced would bring peace to the world.

Among other possibly delusional moves, Mr Shaikh wrote emails to US and British officials calling himself a millionaire and a messiah. He moved to Poland several years ago, where he intended to set up an airline, which he was in no position to do. While in Warsaw, he wrote the song with a man named Carlos, who said he knew a producer in Kyrgyzstan who could help.

Mr Shaikh had no experience of singing in public before he headed to China, and campaigners say he was tricked into carrying the suitcase in Kyrgyzstan by the "producer", who was working for a criminal gang for whom he unwittingly carried drugs.

The UN special rapporteur on summary executions, Philip Alston, has condemned Beijing's stance. Insisting that there are "strong indications" Mr Shaikh suffers from mental illness, he called the prospective death penalty "a major step backwards for China".

Mr Shaikh's brother Akbar has written to the Chinese ambassador in London invoking the suffering of his mother. "She is a frail woman," he wrote, "and our family have not been able to break the news to her that she may lose her youngest child next week."

Working against Mr Shaikh are his insistence on holding his own defence, and his insistence during his trial that neither he nor his family have a history of mental illness. Witnesses say that his testimony was at times so absurd that even the judges were laughing.

The Chinese government says Mr Shaikh's conviction was carried out according to the country's laws. "Drug smuggling is a grave crime in international practice. During the entire process, the litigation rights and the relevant rights and interests of the defendant were fully respected and guaranteed. China has offered prompt consular information to the UK and arranged consular visits," said Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu.

@'The Independent'

How to win friends & influence people!

People have cornered these security forces. People ask them 'why do you do this to your people?' and the riot guards ask for forgiveness.


'You are Yazid's - the Khalif against whom the Ashura uprising took place -forces', the woman shouts at them. One of the protesters then reassures them that they will not be beaten up, all they have to do is say Khameneii is a bastard. The woman can then be heard saying 'All you can do is kill your people is it?' and again they plead saying 'Please We are not killers'.

Karroubi offered a sharp comparison, asserting that even the Shah respected the day of Ashura and gave orders for people to be able to commemorate it as they wished...

At the beginning of the current period of opposition, which started soon after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's controversial reelection, the demonstrations were less frequent, with quiet periods of seeming normalcy in between.

Judging from the events of Ashura, however, they now seem to have the potential to turn into a full scale-civil disobedience campaign, not unlike the first intifada that the Palestinians initiated against Israel in 1987. This will mean continuous periods of strikes and civil disobedience, as well as more confrontations between members of the public and security forces.

The main factor contributing to the new status quo is the unrelenting policies of the Supreme Leader, which have pitted his version of the Islamic Republic against longstanding Islamic institutions.

This is a battle that he will find extremely difficult to win. In fact, if developments continue in their current form, they can, at a minimum, result in significant changes to the structure of his regime, or more drastically, lead to its total demise.

His decision to allow the Basij to mount an attack on mourners at Ayatollah Montazeri's funeral was one factor leading to the spread of opposition in rural areas, faster and more efficiently than any campaign the reformist camp could have arranged. Yes, there were members of the opposition who were trying to take advantage of the mayhem, but there were also many genuine mourners who had come to pay homage to a Grand Ayatollah. To Ayatollah Khamenei's forces, they were all the same. To allow attacks against the residents of a holy city where the seeds of the 1979 revolution were planted was not just dead wrong from a religious perspective, it was politically counter productive as well.

And to make matters worst, the very next day, the Supreme Leader's forces attacked mourners who were attending a ceremony for Montazeri at Isfahan's Seyyed mosque and members of the public were beaten up inside. The Basijis also tried to assault Isfahan's former Friday prayers leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Jalaleddin Taheri, who had arranged the ceremony. However his supporters protected him.

If the Shah had done such a thing, one could have attributed it to his brute dictatorial secularism. But for the Supreme Leader of an Islamic Republic to order violence against Islamic institutions means turning against the very establishment that formed the foundation -- or the very DNA -- of the current regime.

In 1987, to Palestinians, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and the deteriorating political and economic situation there formed the nucleus of the political ideology that legitimized the first intifada.

Khamenei's increasing attacks against the Iranian public, followed by full-scale assaults against mosques and religious members of the community are creating the nucleus of an ideology that is legitimizing opposition, not just in cities, but throughout Iran.

However, ideology is not enough. To succeed, what is needed is to increase the frequency of opposition to the point where the morale of the regime and its forces are sufficiently eroded and they can no longer afford to carry on with their current policies, or even able to function.

Here again Ayatollah Khamenei seems to be helping the opposition. The brutal attack against the mourners at Montazeri's funeral meant that more people were motivated to turn up in the streets on Tasua (the day before Ashura), as well as on Ashura, which happened to fall on the 7th day of Montazeri's passing. In fact, small demonstrations have continued in different places since Montazeri was buried.

Further, on Ashura, his forces killed Seyed Ali Habibi Mousavi Khameneh, the nephew of Mir Hossein Mousavi. It's very possible that he happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time. However, the Mousavi family would be forgiven for assuming that he was targeted for assassination. After all, how is it possible that among thousands upon thousands of demonstrators, he was one of the few who was shot dead? Was he followed from the beginning by an assassination team? Was he marked for death before he left the house? These are possible scenarios that cannot be overlooked.

And now his funeral, as well as the 7th day of his death, are going to provide other occasions that the opposition can use to turn up in the streets to demonstrate. Add to this 15 religious holidays, plus at least five major political ones. Meanwhile, more people are expected to be killed or arrested, meaning more mourning congregations and demonstrations. Put all these dates together and the regime could start facing demonstrations in unprecedented intervals.

Things could get much worse if the opposition turns to public strikes. With violence against the public expected to continue unabated, and Ahmadinejad planning to cut subsidies, which means more economic misery, the regime could in fact add to the attraction of this back-breaking scenario.

More than ever, the future of this regime hinges on Ayatollah Ali Khameni. He can save his regime and keep it in its current form if he learns from his recent mistakes and modifies the way his forces and government reach out to the public. Failure to readjust could turn out to be a very costly mistake.

@'Tehran Bureau'

Another Iranian cop joins the sea of green on a day when at least 10 protestors were shot.

" Pouya, Sadegh (names)"
"Hi- Where are you" "Beat them"
"Enghelab Ave. - Vali Asr Ave....Go there and beat them"
"These Foreigners have gone there to demonstrate, beat them silly, tear them apart, push them toward north, there more Basiji there to beat them"
"Very fast, dont waste time"

"Jalil (name) go to Enghelab Ave. fast and beat them up"
"Listen, beat and tear them apart, break their legs, god would like that"
"Mohammad - Sadegh - Jalil (Names)"
"Go to east side, about 350 people are gathering there, beat them hard, tear the bodies apart, all of them, send them all to Kahrizak,(the famous prison which beat, turture and rape many prisoners in north of Teharn)"
"Hello Ahmad(name) I can't hear you, yes yes, good news I hope"
"You go ahead and tear them apart, I will take the blame, don't worry, do it right now"
"There are 8 to 10 old ladies there, beat them up and clean them up"
"From Enghelab Ave. downward, send small group there"
"Emad - Sadegh (names), do them real fast, beat them and wait for my order there"
"Emad 2, Emad 2 (name) where are you?...They have attacked the fire department (People) , they have burnt their fir cars, get there fast and stop them, you all wait there and be alarm, wait for my order"
@'Why We Protest'

TRACKLIST:

1. DEADBEAT – Lost Luggage

2. 2562 – Redux

3. 2562 – Basin Dub

4. 2562 – Kontrol

5. HIJAK – Babylon Timewarp

6. MUNGO’S HI-FI – Haffi Rock

7. ROB SPARX – Dub Warrior

8. ROB SPARX – Vagabundo

9. SKREAM – Rutten

10. ZOMBY – Spliff Dub (Rustie Remix)

11. ZERO 7 – Everything Up (Joker & Ginz Remix)

12. JOKER – Snake Eater

13. JOKER – Digidesign

14. LOEFAH – Disko Rekah

15. N-TYPE – HP Sauce

16. CHASE & STATUS – Madhouse (Dead Money Remix)

17. CHASING SHADOWS – Amirah

18. CHASING SHADOWS – Ill

19. BAR 9 – Strung Out

20. CARDOPUSHER – Homeless

21. JOKER & GINZ – ReUp

22. JAKES – In Tha Place To Be

23. RUSKO – Mr. Muscle

24. RUSKO – Moaners

25. THE PRODIGY – Take Me To The Hospital (Rusko Remix)

26. MR. OIZO – Flat Beat (16bit Remix)

27. BURAKA SOM SISTEMA – Sound Of Kuduro

28. BURAKA SOM SISTEMA – Luanda-Lisboa

29. RESO – Beasts In The Basement

30. SKISM – The Blank (16bit Remix)

31. EXCISION & DATSIK – Swagger

32. CYPRESS HILL – Child Of The West (Switchdub’s Dubstep Remix)

33. JAKES – Custard Cream

34. SKREAM – Blue Eyez

UPDATES

HERE